[p. 474]
|474| perfectly equal to one another and stand just as immediately opposite one another and bring about precisely the reduction of the forces as in the first representation; pure quantity does not let itself be deceived by such a mediacy, through which no difference or true infinity and form is brought into it at all, but it remains, as before, a wholly undivided, pure, shapeless might. In this way no coercion is possible against might, that it be adequate to the concept of universal freedom, for outside it no power is to be found and within it itself no separation is to be posited.
For that reason, then, recourse is had to a wholly formal distinction. The actual power is indeed posited as one and united in the government; but what is set over against it is the possible power, and this possibility is, as such, to be capable of coercing that actuality. To this second, powerless existence of the common will, namely, is to fall the judging whether the power has left the former, to which it is bound, whether the power no longer conforms to the concept of universal freedom; it is to supervise the supreme power in general and, when in it a private will steps into the place of the universal one, to wrest it from him, and the manner in which this is to happen is to be a public declaration, having absolute effect, of the complete nullity of all acts of the supreme power of the state from this moment on. That the power separate itself of its own accord by its own judgement, which would be insurrection, is not to, may not, happen; for this pure power consists of nothing but private wills, which therefore cannot constitute themselves as common will. But it is that second common will which is to declare this multitude as community, or the pure power, to be united also with the Idea of the universal will, since this is no longer present in the preceding holders of power. Whatever determinacy be posited through which something is to be extorted against the supreme power, then

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